Climate Chronos

Sunday, July 29, 2018

Resisting the Pale Criminal in the Great American Illusion

“We made the world we are living in and we have to make it over.” James Baldwin[1]
Today’s clamoring over the Second Amendment, treating people as enemies that seek asylum, the loss of civil dialogue, are examples of the masses captivated by the spirit of a “pale criminal” (Nietzsche), a coil of wild serpents that are seldom at peace among themselves.  This spirit is the kept alive in what  James Baldwin exposed as “the great American illusion”.
http://banksy.co.uk/out.asp
[W]e are powerful, and we are rich . . . The principal effect of our material well-being has been to set our children’s teeth on edge. If we ourselves were not so fond of this illusion, we might understand ourselves and other peoples better than we do, and be enabled to help them understand us.[2]
Baldwin suggests that living the illusion sets up a failed education that is unable to know ourselves and thus exist more fully in a spirit (geist) to see and hear the genuine readings of the dynamic text that transform our lives into more fully human beings (vs. being stuck in some sort of certainty).  One such oft misinterpreted text of the dull masses is the ancient saying of Jesus which reads, ‘You have heard that it was said, ‘An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.’ But I say to you, Do not resist an evil-doer. But if anyone strikes you on the right cheek, turn the other also.” (The Gospel according to Matthew 5.38-41)

A more accurate translation of this clause “do not resist an evildoer” is “do not retaliate against violence with violence” or “don’t react violently against the one who is evil.”

The masses view this text in a primitive dualistic form to imply a passive, doormat like quality that makes the Christian way seem cowardly and complicit in the face of injustice. Instead it offers ancient wisdom that evokes a transformation among those who are marginalized, victims, downtrodden, casualties of injustice. It summons a new self-respect, calling up creative resources of strength and courage they did not know they had that allow them to stand their ground.

The part of this text so often distorted, “if anyone strikes you on the right cheek, turn the other also” must be understood in its first century social behavior. Jesus reference of the right cheek is both challenging and enlightening, for he lived in a right-handed world where left hands were reserved only for unclean tasks. Therefore, we can assume that the person doing the hitting would have used their right hand. The only way to strike someone on the right cheek with your right hand is a backhanded slap. Such a blow connotes an insult, not a fistfight, and was a normal way to reprimand someone over whom you had power (e.g. masters to slaves, husbands to wives, Romans to Jews). To strike your equal in such a manner was socially and legally unacceptable, carrying with it a huge fine.[3]
With this understanding of the social context Jesus was speaking, one should picture the scenario with oneself as the oppressor. You are a wealthy, powerful person whose slave has displeased you in some way. You reprimand your slave with a backhanded slap. The response you expect is the response you have always received from your slaves–the response you yourself would give if someone higher than you treated you the same way. You expect your slave to cower, submit, and slink away. Instead, your slave defiantly turns their other cheek and challenges you to hit them again. What can you do?

You would like to give your slave another backhanded slap to show them their place, but to do that you would have to use your left hand, which would admit that your action is unclean. You could hit him on his left cheek, instead it would be embarrassing to hit your slave the way you should hit your equal. You’re confused and brought to a pause. Flustered, you could order the slave be flogged, but the slave has already made his point. He has shown you that he is a human person with dignity and worth. You don’t own him, you cannot control him, and he does not submit to your rule.

Thus Jesus’ instruction, not to resist evil and to turn the other cheek, transforms from an instruction to merely accept injustice into a radical challenge to resist systems of domination and oppression without the use of violence. Rather than ignoring an evil situation and hoping it will go away (passive), Jesus’ saying instructs his followers to find courage and creative, active, and nonviolent ways to assert their humanity and love in the world.

What is essential to freedom is being expressed in this dynamic. Unless there is something at risk you do not really have genuine freedom.[4] In our present ay cultural surroundings, this kind of vital force can show up in non-violent protest, marches, boycotts, negotiations, finding alternative ways to exit, silence[5], reconciliation, the use of humor, satire and irony, invoking a unique response that causes the perpetrator or abuser to have to pause and actually think, trauma work that breaks the cycle of violence[6], and organizing citizens to action against unjust greed. It summons a third or alternative way that offers a nonviolent form of resistance allowing a people to maintain their humanity and dignity while not cooperating with the systems of domination that demean, devalue, use and discard them. 

Martin Luther King, Jr. exemplified radical nonviolence that was not for the cowardly, the weak, the passive, the apathetic or the fearful; for,
Nonviolent resistance does resist . . . It is not a method of stagnant passivity. While the nonviolent resister is passive in the sense that he is not physically aggressive toward his opponent, his mind and emotions are always active, constantly seeking to persuade his opponent that he is wrong. The method is passive physically, but strongly active spiritually. It is not passive non-resistance to evil; it is active nonviolent resistance to evil. . .
Nonviolence does not seek to defeat or humiliate the opponent but to win friendship and understanding," King teaches. "The nonviolent resister must often express his protest through noncooperation or boycotts, but he realizes that these are not ends themselves; they are merely means to awaken a sense of moral shame in the opponent. ... The aftermath of nonviolence is the creation of the beloved community, while the aftermath of violence is tragic bitterness.[7]

Below is an example by Trevor Noah telling a story about his grandfather during a protest in South Africa.





[1] James Baldwin, Nobody Knows my Name: More Notes of a Native Son. New York: The Dial Press, 1961, 154.
[2] Ibid., 99.
[3] Grateful to the scholarship of Walter Wink, The Powers that Be: Theology for a New Millennium, 1998
[4] G. F. Hegel, Battle to the Death in his Phenomenology of Spirit reads, “Thus the relation of the two self-conscious individuals is such that they prove themselves and each other through a life-and-death struggle. They must engage in this struggle, for they must raise their certainty of being for themselves to truth, both in the case of the other and in their own case. And it is only through staking one’s life that freedom is won; and thus it is proved that for self-consciousness.” (§187)
[5] Recall Parkland survivor Emma Gonzalez brought masses of people to tears with a powerful silence during her speech that lasted the same duration as the school shooting. 
[6] See Strategies for Trauma Awareness & Resilience (STAR) https://emu.edu/cjp/star/
[7] William D. Watley, Roots of Resistance: The Nonviolent Ethic of Martin Luther King, Jr. Valley Forge, Judson Press, 1985.


Sunday, July 1, 2018

The Problem with Whiteness

Must one first batter their ears,
that they may learn to hear with their eyes?
Must one clatter like kettledrums and penitential preachers?
Or do they only believe the stammerer?
- Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spake Zarathustra, Prologue 5

The true credo of the white race is we have everything, and if you try to take any of it from us we will kill you. This is the essential meaning of whiteness. As the white race turns on itself in an age of diminishing resources it is in the vital interest of the white underclass to understand what its elites and its empire are actually about. These lies, James Baldwin warned, will ultimately have fatal consequences for America.
There are days, this is one of them, when you wonder what your role is in this country and what your future is in it,” Baldwin said. “How precisely you’re going to reconcile yourself to your situation here and how you are going to communicate to the vast, heedless, unthinking, cruel white majority that you are here. I’m terrified at the moral apathy—the death of the heart—which is happening in my country. These people have deluded themselves for so long that they really don’t think I’m human.[1]

 “I have reached the regrettable conclusion that the Negro’s great stumbling block toward freedom is not the White citizen’s councilor or the Klu Klux Klanner, but the white moderate who is more devoted to order than justice; who prefers a negative peace which is the absence of tension, to a positive peace, which is the presence of justice; who constantly says, ‘I agree with you with the goals that you seek, but can’t agree with your methods of direct action.”
- Martin Luther King Jr., “Letter from Birmingham Jail,” 1963

The judiciary as an institution has a history of using its power to rule in favor of those interests deemed to be most important to the white community. A room full of diverse minds and opinions can make better decisions than a room full of people who all think alike or who all share the same interests. A wise person of color who has lived a life that more likely has been negatively impacted by the predominately white judiciary should more likely be able to reach better decisions. Unfortunately, the current judiciary remains more than 90 per cent white; it may take awhile to build up a legal system and a body of law that actually reflects the benefits of our diversity.

“When we [Americans] talk about the rule of law, we assume that we’re talking about a law that promotes freedom, that promotes justice, that promotes equality.”
—U.S. Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy, Interview with ABA President William Neukom (2007)

“White supremacy is a tradition that must be named and a religion that must be renounced. When this work has not been done, those who live in whiteness become oppressive, whether intentional or not.” 

Peggy McIntosh has identified some of the daily effects of white privilege in her life, conditions which “attach somewhat more to skin-color privilege than to class, religion, ethnic status, or geographic location”. In her view most of these conditions are not what her African American co-workers, friends, and acquaintances can count on.
I can if I wish arrange to be in the company of people of my race most of the time.
If I should need to move, I can be pretty sure of renting or purchasing housing in an area which I can afford and in which I would want to live.
I can be pretty sure that my neighbors in such a location will be neutral or pleasant to me.
I can go shopping alone most of the time, pretty well assured that I will not be followed or harassed.
I can turn on the television or open to the front page of the paper and see people of my race widely represented.
When I am told about our national heritage or about “civilization,” I am shown that people of my color made it what it is.
I can be sure that my children will be given curricular materials that testify to the existence of their race.
If I want to, I can be pretty sure of finding a publisher for this piece on white privilege.
I can go into a music shop and count on finding the music of my race represented, into a supermarket and find the staple foods that fit with my cultural traditions, into a hairdresser’s shop and find someone who can cut my hair.
Whether I use checks, credit cards or cash, I can count on my skin color not to work against the appearance of financial reliability.
I can arrange to protect my children most of the time from people who might not like them.
I can swear, or dress in second-hand clothes, or not answer letters, without having people attribute these choices to the bad morals, the poverty, or the illiteracy of my race.
I can speak in public to a powerful male group without putting my race on trial.
I can do well in a challenging situation without being called a credit to my race.
I am never asked to speak for all the people of my racial group.
I can remain oblivious of the language and customs of persons of color who constitute the world’s majority without feeling in my culture any penalty for such oblivion.
I can criticize our government and talk about how much I fear its policies and behavior without being seen as a cultural outsider.
I can be pretty sure that if I ask to talk to “the person in charge,” I will be facing a person of my race.
If a traffic cop pulls me over or if the IRS audits my tax return, I can be sure I haven’t been singled out because of my race.
I can easily buy posters, postcards, picture books, greeting cards, dolls, toys, and children’s magazines featuring people of my race.
I can go home from most meetings of organizations I belong to feeling somewhat tied in, rather than isolated, out-of-place, outnumbered, unheard, held at a distance, or feared.
I can take a job with an affirmative action employer without having co-workers on the job suspect that I got it because of race.
I can choose public accommodations without fearing that people of my race cannot get in or will be mistreated in the places I have chosen.
I can be sure that if I need legal or medical help, my race will not work against me.
If my day, week, or year is going badly, I need not ask of each negative episode or situation whether it has racial overtones.
I can choose blemish cover or bandages in “flesh” color and have them more less match my skin.[2]